Géner García Molina, better known as “Jhon 40,” exemplifies the transformation the FARC’s structure underwent after it entered the drug trafficking business. Since the guerrilla group disbanded after the 2016 peace process, Jhon 40 has maintained a lavish lifestyle, connecting cocaine leaving southern Colombia with its buyers in Venezuela. He is now also the financial backer for the FARC dissidents led by Miguel Botache, alias “Gentil Duarte.”
The dissident went from being a young man with communist ideals and a faith in the insurgent struggle to becoming an extravagant drug lord who liked to buy luxury horses, only wore imported military clothing and handled billions of pesos a year. The power and wealth he has amassed through drug trafficking have made him a top priority target for Colombia, and a key part of the plan to reunite the FARC dissidents.
Jhon 40 was born in the municipality of San Martín in the department of Meta on August 23, 1963. He is the grandson of Roque Molina, alias “El Diablo,” one of the peasants who took up arms in the 1960s with alias “Tirofijo” in Marquetalia in the department of Tolima.
His criminal career began in the 1980s when he joined the 31st Front of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia – FARC) after spending two years as secretary in the Communist Youth (Juventudes Comunista – JUCO). In the beginning, Jhon 40 used the name of Francisco Javier Builes to cover up his actions. But as he gained importance within the guerrilla organization, his real name came to light.
Shortly after joining the guerrillas, he learned the trade of drug trafficking thanks to Tomás Molina Caracas, alias “El Negro Acacio,” who by then was the FARC’s drug czar. In 2006, Jhon 40 was already considered one of Meta department’s drug lords. With extravagant clothes, jewelry and gold watches, luxurious vans and a satellite phone that never left his side, Jhon 40 was acquiring the characteristics of what would be the guerrilla’s most important drug lord. His power in the region was such that as commander of the 43rd Front, he was believed to move up to 100 tons of coca per year, receive billions of pesos for drug trafficking transactions and control almost 5,000 hectares of coca.
In 2006, the Colombian government, supported by the United States, implemented operation “Emperador,” which gathered 3,200 uniformed men in Meta with the sole objective of capturing Jhon 40.
His criminal power increased in 2007, when Negro Acacio died after a military bombing. The FARC Secretariat ordered him to take control of the coca business in the south of the country. As a result, Jhon 40 went on to handle all of the drug trafficking in the departments of Meta and Guaviare, which not only increased his power within the FARC, but also increased his lack of discipline and excesses.
In 2008, the Colombian government bombed his camp, leaving him severely wounded and striking the structure of the 43rd Front. Due to this, in 2010, the FARC Secretariat carried out a “revolutionary trial” against Jhon 40. He was accused of a growing lack of discipline, “bad” drug trafficking practices and weakening his front. The results of this war council weren’t clear, but some sources said that Jhon 40 was under the direct orders of a member of the Secretariat. On the other hand, other sources indicated that there were no reprimands against the 43rd Front’s commander, and that he instead fled to Venezuela after the bombing.
Jhon 40 surfaced again in 2012 when men under his command clashed with the military in the jungles of the department of Guainía. That same year he was identified as having founded the “Acacio Medina” Front in the municipality of Maroa across the border in Venezuela.
With the beginning of the peace talks between the Colombian government and the FARC Secretariat, Jhon 40 was considered the main financier of the Eastern Bloc, mainly due to his control over the commercialization of cocaine in Colombia’s border regions with Venezuela and Brazil, and his ties with drug traffickers from both countries.
By 2015, Jhon 40 was named as one of the commanders who would not participate in the FARC’s demobilization process. In fact, the National Anti-Narcotic and Money Laundering Directorate (Dirección Nacional de Antinarcóticos y Lavado de Activos) accused Jhon 40 of continued involvement in criminal activities in Meta.
His distancing from the peace process was confirmed in 2016, when he announced that he would not demobilize with the guerrillas. Soon after, the FARC Secretariat officially expelled him from their ranks along with four other commanders. By December of that year, the national authorities identified Jhon 40 as a high-value target, while Interpol issued a red alert against him.
Currently, Jhon 40 is one of the key operators in Gentil Duarte’s plan to bring together FARC dissident factions into a single fighting force. In mid-2018, he was sent by Duarte to the Catatumbo region of Norte de Santander to lead the 33rd Front, coordinate the purchasing of coca paste in that region and regain control of drug trafficking route into Venezuela. With this move, it is likely that he controls a large part of the drug trafficking market into Venezuela, as well as for routes going to Brazil and Ecuador.
When he belonged to the FARC, Jhon 40 controlled international cocaine shipment routes from Meta and Guaviare. He was in charge of relations with drug buyers in Colombia’s border regions with Brazil and Venezuela, and guaranteed them that at least 100 tons of cocaine would be trafficked per year. His profits were counted in the billions of pesos, making him one of the main economic suppliers of the FARC’s Eastern Bloc.
The power of Jhon 40 has given him the label of one of the FARC’s greatest drug lords. It was even said that he controlled his own town in the rural area of the municipality of Puerto Rico in the department of Meta.
Jhon 40 also meddled in different structures to launder dirty money from cocaine trafficking. He shaped a network of frontmen through which he bought estates and luxurious properties in the main capitals of the country, while he built bars, hotels and clubs in Meta with drug money.
After the demobilization of the FARC-EP, Jhon 40 managed the commercialization of Colombian cocaine into Venezuela through alliances with drug trafficking groups in that country. During his time in Catatumbo, he also made contact with FARC dissidents in that region and sought to avoid their recruitment by other groups such as the ELN or the Urabeños.
Authorities have accused him of recruiting minors and taking them to training camps on the Venezuelan side of the border, particularly in the states of Amazonas, Táchira and Apure. He is known to have around 500 men under his command in Venezuela, mostly in the state of Amazonas.
Finally, he has been linked to the exploitation of gold and coltan from Venezuela and is believed to have links with drug gangs in Brazil.
When Jhon 40 commanded the 43rd Front, his area of control lay in the department of Meta. Currently, he moves between the Colombian department of Guaviare and the Venezuelan department of Amazonas.
Colombian authorities have reported that dissidents under his command use the departments of Vichada and Guainía to cross into Venezuela, where they maintain a cocaine stockpile in the Yapacana mountain range.
Allies and Enemies
Jhon 40’s main allies are Miguel Botache, alias “Gentil Duarte”, and Néstor Verá, alias “Iván Mordisco”, leaders of the 7th and 1st Fronts respectively. Beyond being one of the main financial backers for these two fronts, Jhon 40 has become a strong ally of Duarte in his mission to unite the FARC dissidents.
He also has alliances with alias “Giovanni Chuspas,” the former 16th Front commander and who would be helping him move within Venezuela, and with Miguel Díaz Sanmartín, alias “Julián Chollo,” the former middle commander of the Frente Acacio Medina and who was appointed to work with Jhon 40 to control a dissident front in Venezuela’s Amazonas state.
Jhon 40’s importance within Colombia’s criminal landscape has rapidly increased in recent years as he controls important drug trafficking routes along the Venezuelan and Brazilian borders, while he has also become crucial in creating alliances with foreign cartels.
While his role is more criminal than ideological, his controversial history within the FARC guerrilla group and his partnership with Duarte has made him a crucial part of the plan to unite the dissidents. He is currently one of the main targets for the Colombian armed forces.