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Once again the possibility of ending nearly 50 years of civil conflict is being dangled before Colombia. While the vast majority of the Colombian public want to see peace, for themselves and especially for their children, the enemies of the peace negotiations appear to be strong, and the risks inherent in the peace process are high.


ELN

The National Liberation Army (Ejercito de Liberacion Nacional - ELN) is one of the two main guerrilla armies with left-wing political ideologies operating in the Colombian territory. Initially a Marxist-Leninist nationalist movement, it now appears more focused on kidnapping, extortion and attacks on economic infrastructure. And while it eschewed drug trafficking for decades, it has recently been linked to the narcotics trade and has sought alliances with large drug trafficking organizations. Militarily, it has been greatly debilitated and has dropped from an estimated 5,000 soldiers in the early 1990s to a force of up to 3,000.

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Origins

The ELN began in the 1960s, just as Colombia was emerging from a bloody, sectarian struggle known as "La Violencia," and numerous religious and student movements -- some of which drew inspiration from the Cuban revolution -- were gaining strength in the country. These two movements would form the core of the guerrilla group from its onset in July 1964, when the small, armed insurgency began training in San Vicente de Chucuri, in the province of Santander. Six months later, on January 7, 1965, the rebels overran Simacota, a small village in Santander, officially announcing their presence.

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From the beginning, the ELN was a highly ideological outfit, combining its Marxist-Leninist outlook with liberation theology, the religious movement inspired by the Catholic Church’s announced shifts in its Vatican II Conference. Some of the group's first recruits came from the church, including Camilo Torres, a popular and outspoken Colombian priest who died in his first battle in 1966. Other priests came from Spain, including Manuel Perez, alias "El Cura," who was nearly executed during an internal purge by the group's mercurial leader, Fabio Vasquez Castaño, in the 1970s. By that time, the group was reeling, and it was nearly annihilated completely during a 1973 military offensive, that left an estimated 135 of its then 200 members dead.

Vasquez Castaño was vanquished from the group and Perez and a former peasant farmer-turned-soldier named Nicolas Rodriguez Bautista, alias "Gabino," took control. Under new leadership, the ELN slowly recuperated, in part because of its increased use of methods it had once condemned, principally kidnapping. During the 1980s, the rebels became specialists in kidnapping and drew much of their revenue from the ransoms. The group also got lucky when several large oil discoveries brought multinational companies into their purview. The resulting revenue from both the theft of oil and extortion gave the ELN renewed energy. It is of little surprise the rebels' most dangerous columns still operate in some of these oil-rich regions.

By the mid-1990s, the ELN reached its apex, commanding an army of close to 5,000 soldiers and at least three times that in student, union and political supporters. It regularly bombed the country's largest oil pipelines, including those that supplied oil from BP's and Occidental Petroleum's fields in the Eastern Plains, even while it siphoned from the royalties this oil provided the region. It drew revenue from war taxes levied on coca and marijuana growers, particularly in the southern part of the Bolivar province, where the ELN's leadership had established its home base. And, despite Perez's death in 1998 of hepatitis B, its military actions also became bolder. In May 1999, for instance, the ELN, dressed as military personnel, snatched 186 people from a Cali church in what remains the largest single kidnapping in the country’s history. In April that same year, the group hijacked an Avianca flight with 43 passengers and crew, forced it to land in a remote area and took all those on board captive.

However, internal fighting and the lack of a coherent national strategy left the group vulnerable to attacks by right-wing paramilitary groups and the Colombian armed forces. Beginning in the late-1990s, the group suffered a series of setbacks at the hands of the paramilitaries in its Bolívar stronghold. Desperate, the group teamed with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) to beat back the attacks but ultimately lost control of the lucrative area. It was the beginning of the end for the ELN, which steadily lost ground in other parts of the country to both the paramilitary forces and the military.

The military setbacks pushed the group to negotiate a settlement with the administration of Alvaro Uribe Velez between August and December 2002 in Cuba, and later between June 2004 and April 2005, in Mexico. The talks failed, and the government has kept up the military pressure on the ELN ever since. Added to this was lost revenue from dwindling oil production in the Eastern Plains, an ugly and violent feud with the FARC, and chaos at the top. Some factions of the ELN refused to negotiate with the Uribe administration. Other leaders simply left the group altogether.

In response to this pressure, the group has increasingly allied itself with powerful drug trafficking organizations such as the Rastrojos, in part to keep their dreams of a revolutionary change at the top alive, in part to keep their mortal enemies like the FARC at bay. The group did, however, successfully negotiate a ceasefire with the FARC in 2009.

Since peace talks began between the government and the FARC in November 2012, the ELN have repeatedly expressed their desire to be involved, even reportedly sending an unauthorized delegation to Havana, Cuba. They were subsequently turned away, however, and the government stated that their inclusion in any peace process would come only when the time is right. 

While Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos expressed his willingness to engage in peace talks with the group in mid-2013 and the group subsequently named envoys in November that year, as of early 2014 no date for the beginning of negotiations had been set.

Modus Operandi

The ELN operates using columns and so-called "War Fronts." The group also has urban militias in some of the major cities and many of the smaller villages where it operates. The ELN’s National Directorate (Direccion Nacional) has 23 members. The Central Command (Comando Central - COCE) has five commanders. The military commander of the COCE is also the commander of the ELN. Another COCE commander is in charge of political functions. A third COCE commander is in charge of international affairs. A fourth commander carries out financial functions and the fifth commander leads communications between the COCE and the "War Fronts."

Despite its seemingly vertical structure, the ELN has always been characterized by internal power struggles, maniacal leaders and disorganization at the top. It’s little surprise then that over the years, the ELN's modus operandi has evolved and increasingly autonomous factions have acted in more criminal than ideological terms. The one-time quasi-religious movement that claimed kidnapping was “anti-revolutionary” remains a potent kidnapping operation. What's more, the rebels that believed that drug trafficking would destroy the country are increasingly active in the trade, be it protection of large drug trafficking organizations or the creation of their own distribution networks. The ELN is also still focused on attacking economic infrastructure, in particular oil pipelines and electricity pylons, and extorting foreign and local companies. On a political level, the group is much weaker than it once was but can still draw revenue from local officials who are sympathetic to their aims and get a cut of the money.

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